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1972 had been a torrid year for the Government. The miners inflicted a defeat over pay, and the Tories had been forced, in the face of mass protest, to release five dockers held in Pentonville prison. Then came Britain’s first national building workers strike. On the 31 August 1972 the strike committees of North Wales
building workers met in the upstairs room of the Bull & Stirrup
in Chester. The strike had begun in June 1972 on selected major building sites, the first of these being Marks and Spencers in Liverpool. Pressure from the rank and file soon forced the Union of Construction Allied Trades and Technicians (UCATT) and the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) to call all their members out. The strikers wanted a 35-hour week, a national minimum wage and an end to ‘The Lump’, a system of paying workers illegally, cash in hand, which undermines union organisation and safety. In the Bull & Stirrup, Ricky Tomlinson says, the strike
committees: “ …discussed picketing in the Shrewsbury area,
where many of the big sites had still not come out. Police outriggers escorted the coaches from site to site,
and apart from minor scuffles everything was peaceful. Most of the sites
they visited supported the strike and there were no arrests. The strike ended on 15 September with the biggest pay
increase ever recorded for workers in the building industry, although
it didn’t remove ‘The Lump’. This set in train a massive operation by the police to find ‘Terror Pickets’ – a term used by the press - raiding dozens of ordinary building workers’ homes and subjecting them to intense questioning. Although we now refer to them as the Shrewsbury 24, there
were actually 31 North Wales building workers charged. The first trials
were in Mold and they were used as a dress rehearsal for Shrewsbury. In his opening address at the first of three Shrewsbury
trials on 3 October 1973, prosecuting counsel, Maurice Drake QC, told
the jury that the pickets would be described as being, ‘like a
swarm of Apache Indians’. Unlawful assembly and conspiracy to intimidate had been
added to the earlier charge of affray. The conspiracy charge, using
an act of 1875, allowed for an unlimited jail sentence. Three of the pickets – Warren, Tomlinson and McKinsie
Jones - were found guilty and given prison sentences of up to nine years
(three years on each charge). McKinsie Jones hadn’t even been
in the Bull & Stirrup at the time of the decision to picket the
Shrewsbury sites!
Warren told the court:
The pickets had become victims of the government’s push to shackle union activity, and they had every right to believe, as they were led away, that the movement would fight to get them out. The leaders of UCATT and TGWU, though, had abandoned the pickets. They had refused them representation at the outset of the trial. And now three had been jailed, they wouldn’t support the calls for action to get them released, nor even appeals against sentence. A memo from UCATT to the TGWU spelled out their position:
The convictions were of a criminal nature albeit in
a rather dubious political climate.
On 24 February 1974 three more pickets - Arthur Murray, William Pierce and Brian Williams - were jailed for six months each for ‘unlawful assembly’ and ‘affray’. Although hampered by the response from trade union leaders,
the groundswell of support for the pickets gained momentum. At the time
of the trials there had been industrial action in support, notably from
the Liverpool dockers. And in early 1974 workers stopped work in London
and Glasgow, and 25 major building sites in Manchester. By this time a Labour Government had been elected and
the trade union leaders did not want to "rock the boat". The
TUC did meet with the Home Secretary, Roy Jenkins, only to be rejected.
Jack Jones General Secretary of the TGWU declared that the General Council
of the TUC would not even consider the call for a general strike. Warren died on 24 April 2004 of Parkinson's disease. He laid the blame for his illness squarely on the "liquid cosh", the tranquillising drugs administered to difficult prisoners like him while in prison. The Shrewsbury Pickets Campaign was renewed in August
2006. The demand is justice for the pickets, and a public inquiry to
expose the real conspiracy. There are still many questions that remain
unanswered about the events surrounding the Shrewsbury trials, not least
the role of MI5. For further information on the Justice for the Shrewsbury Pickets Campaign contact justice4pickets.yahoo.co.uk phone 07907 307 835 or look at www.billhunterweb.org.uk
References from:
Questions for a Public Inquiry It has to be noted that Warren, Tomlinson and McKinsie Jones were never charged with committing violence, and after their appeal only the conviction for conspiracy was left. The Justice for the Shrewsbury Pickets Campaign’s demand for a full public inquiry to lift the lid on the political conspiracy behind the jailing of the Shrewsbury pickets. Here are some of the questions that the Campaign want answered: How much influence did the construction companies exert over the government and the judiciary? In particular what was the involvement of the hugely influential McAlpine building family? Why did the trials proceed even though two separate police forces had advised against prosecution? Why were some of the pickets approached, before the trials, to see if they would become prosecution witnesses only to be charged when they refused? Why did the government send a message to Maurice Drake, the prosecuting counsel in the trials, saying that on no account should there be any jail sentences? Following recent press reports that MI5 suppressed the campaign to release the pickets from jail, what exactly was MI5’s role in the political conspiracy against the pickets? |
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Ritchie Hunter is co-ordinator of the Merseyside Hazards & Environmental Centre, and a committee member of Justice for the Shrewsbury Pickets Campaign.
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